What US must do now it has joined global consensus on Gaza
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Monday’s Riyadh meeting between Gulf Cooperation Council foreign ministers and US Secretary of State Antony Blinken revealed that America has joined the international consensus on most aspects related to the war in Gaza and on the resolution of the underlying Israel-Palestine conflict. However, despite that concurrence, it appears unable to move forward on resolving either issue.
The US administration appears to be genuinely furious at Israel’s atrocities in Gaza and frustrated as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ignores its interests and priorities, instead continuing on his path of cruel and irrational behavior and irate and churlish verbal outbursts. However, Washington has refrained from publicly assigning blame to Israel for the continued impasse and has continued to provide it with the means to conduct a war it opposes in Gaza. The US has largely vetoed the UN Security Council’s efforts to stop the war or censure Israel. It has also tried to stop or delay the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court’s cases against Israel.
On some points, the US Congress has tied the administration’s hands during a charged political season. With many politicians’ sole focus being on winning elections in November, they think that blind support for Israel is their trump card. For example, Congress has made it difficult for the administration to support movement at the UNSC to recognize Palestine as a full UN member. It has also made it difficult to resume funding of UNRWA or the Palestinian Authority.
It is rare in the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict to find a universal consensus such as today’s. Blinken appeared to subscribe to that consensus in his remarks before the GCC foreign ministers on Monday. For example, the US supports an immediate and sustained ceasefire as the quickest and surest way to end the suffering in Gaza. It opposes the displacement of Palestinians. It believes that more aid is needed everywhere in Gaza without delay or hindrance.
Blinken told the GCC ministers that “President (Joe) Biden has insisted that Israel take specific, concrete, measurable steps to better address humanitarian suffering, civilian harm and the safety of aid workers in Gaza, including in his most recent call with Prime Minister Netanyahu.” The US also believes that Palestinians should govern Gaza as soon as possible and Israel should not reoccupy it or annex or settle any part of it.
On the wider conflict, the US supports the establishment of an independent and viable state of Palestine along the 1967 borders, although it would accept “mutually agreed” land swaps between Israel and Palestine. It accepts that the capital of the state of Palestine should be in Jerusalem, where it also supports the status quo regarding the city’s holy sites, meaning opposition to Israel’s restrictions on Muslims and Christians. The US also opposes settlements and considers them an obstacle toward the two-state solution and it has strongly condemned settler attacks on Palestinians. It has sanctioned a limited number of extremist settlers.
On UNRWA, it is no secret that the administration has been pleased with the report of the independent review panel on the organization’s performance and firmly believes in its vital role. It acknowledges the importance of providing support for the agency’s efforts and maintaining its ability to provide sustainable services and assistance, particularly in the Gaza Strip.
While the US administration is largely in line with the global consensus on Gaza and Palestine, there remains some differences. For example, while there is a global consensus against attacking Rafah and indeed anywhere else in Gaza, the US is willing to go along with a limited attack, provided there is a credible plan to protect civilians.
The US Congress is, of course, another matter and American officials do not hide their unease about its meddling in foreign policy, which is traditionally the province of the administration. With the exception of a handful of brave souls in the House of Representatives and the Senate, Congress is becoming an echo chamber for the most extremist voices in Israel.
To curry favor with Israel in this electoral season, members of Congress have moved to limit aid to both UNRWA and the PA, despite the fact the administration is pinning its hopes on the two entities to run Gaza once the war winds down. They have also moved to make it difficult for the US or the UN to recognize Palestine as a state.
As Blinken rightly said in Monday’s meeting, the region is at a crossroads. There are two paths forward for the region as a whole. One is riven with division, destruction, violence and permanent insecurity; the other offers greater integration, security and peace. However, unless the US moves decisively to restrain Israel, the first path appears the most likely.
America needs to move from words to action and put its convictions to work. To be fair, in some limited ways, it has already moved beyond words. Next week, the US-initiated temporary maritime platform to deliver aid to Gaza is expected to commence operating. It is also upping its aid to the West Bank, albeit not to the PA due to congressional restrictions. It has also sanctioned some settlers.
However, Washington needs to move decisively and quickly on at least four issues. First, to be credible, it needs to stop arms deliveries until Israel heeds its advice on the Gaza war, including on Rafah, to stop the attack that Netanyahu has said is inevitable with or without a hostage deal.
To be credible, it needs to stop arms deliveries until Israel heeds its advice on the Gaza war, including on Rafah.
Dr. Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg
Second, it must reverse its policy on aid to UNRWA and the PA.
Third, the White House should support moves to convene an international conference to resolve the wider conflict, including the establishment of a viable Palestinian state along the 1967 borders, as the US believes it should be.
Fourth, it needs to stop hindering international efforts at the UNSC to end the war and at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court to bring about some accountability for the crimes committed during the conflict.
Without such moves, Blinken’s second path — that of peace, integration and prosperity — is unlikely to happen now or ever.
- Dr. Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg is the Gulf Cooperation Council assistant secretary-general for political affairs and negotiation. The views expressed here are personal and do not necessarily represent the GCC. X: @abuhamad1
